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Exploring both fields allowed STAGE to design interactive experiences capable of turning abstract concepts into concrete, participatory encounters.

Hands-On Data:

Experiencing ageism through interaction

The installation developed by a team of researchers, artists and science communicators in the context of STAGE WP 2 and WP 10, consisted of a circular arrangement of prompts and two rounds of questions. Participants selected a thread representing their age group and stretched it across the space to indicate their answers. As each user contributed, the installation evolved into a three-dimensional network of perceptions and expectations.

THIS APPROACH ACHIEVED THREE THINGS SIMULTANEOUSLY:

It visualised attitudes toward ageing
through colour, shape, and structure.

It physicalised the data, allowing
participants to co-create the dataset
through movement and touch.

It provided a collective experience,
revealing generational differences
and similarities in real time.

Want to share your answers too?

Click here to add your perspective to this collaborative exercise on ageism.

QUESTION 1:

At what age does society consider a person to be old?

I'M NOT OLD, YOU ARE!

According to participants, society tends to label people as “old” relatively early, most commonly between the ages of 50 and 70. However, when individuals are asked to reflect on themselves, that threshold shifts noticeably. Most respondents say they would only begin to feel old much later — typically from 60 onwards, and often not until their 70s or even 80s.

This contrast highlights a clear emotional distance: ageing is something we are quicker to assign to others than to accept for ourselves. “Old” becomes a label that belongs to someone else, somewhere further down the road. The results suggest that ageing is not defined by age alone, but by perception — and perhaps by fear.

QUESTION 2:

What is the general feeling in society with regard to old age?

All I ask for is dignity

When asked how society generally feels about old age, participants most frequently identified indifference, followed by respect and pity. This paints a picture of older age as something that is often overlooked — neither fully valued nor openly rejected, but quietly sidelined.

Yet, when the focus turns inward, the narrative changes completely. Respondents overwhelmingly expressed a desire to be met with respect and admiration in their later years. The gap between how society is perceived to behave and how individuals wish to be treated is striking, and revealing.

It suggests that while respect is deeply valued on a personal level, it is not consistently reflected in collective attitudes towards ageing.

QUESTION 3:

What does society consider to be the most common characteristic of old age?

My experience and wisdom — with your new trends

Responses to this question were more varied, reflecting the complexity of how ageing is understood. From a societal perspective, older people are often characterised as outdated, less active, or struggling to keep up with modern trends — despite being recognised as intelligent.

However, when respondents imagine their own older selves, a different picture emerges. While many still acknowledge the possibility of finding new trends challenging, they strongly associate their future selves with wisdom and experience. Ageing, in this sense, is seen less as decline and more as accumulated knowledge.

The contrast suggests that stereotypes persist when we look outward, but soften when we look inward.

QUESTION 4:

How does society treat older people?

The fine balance between care and autonomy

The responses reveal a clear tension between how older people are perceived to be treated and how individuals wish to be treated themselves. Participants believe that society often treats older adults similarly to children, focuses only on their needs, or, in some cases, simply ignores them.

In contrast, when imagining their own future, respondents express a strong preference for a balanced approach: having their needs recognised and supported, without being subjected to unnecessary special treatment. What they seem to seek is not protection, but respect for autonomy.

This highlights a key issue in conversations about ageing — support should empower, not diminish.

QUESTION 5:

Where do you often see old people?

Seen by necessity, imagined by choice

Participants most often associate older people with functional spaces such as supermarkets and hospitals, followed by travelling. These are places linked to necessity: food, health, and practical routines.

However, when imagining their own later years, respondents picture something very different. They overwhelmingly see themselves travelling, visiting theatres, cinemas, and museums — spaces connected to pleasure, curiosity, and personal fulfilment.

The contrast is telling. Older people are often seen where they need to be, while individuals imagine themselves where they want to be. Ageing, it seems, is framed externally as survival, but internally as life still being lived.

QUESTION 6:

What best describes society’s perspective on older adults using technology?

Intuitive technology — intuitive for whom?

When reflecting on their own future, participants are optimistic. Most believe they will be able to use technology or at least keep up with it reasonably well. There is confidence in adaptability and learning.

Yet, that optimism does not extend to how they view older adults today. Society, in their view, largely assumes that older people struggle with technology and need extra help.

This contradiction suggests that technological difficulty is often attributed to age itself, rather than to design, accessibility, or opportunity.

Question 7:

What is society’s view of older people’s ability to make financial decisions?

My money, my decision

Opinions about older adults’ financial decision-making are more divided. Participants believe society generally sees older people as needing support, sometimes struggling, and occasionally being capable thanks to experience and wisdom.

However, when respondents imagine themselves in that position, the answer is clear and confident: they believe they will make good financial decisions based on their life experience.

Once again, competence is something we readily claim for ourselves, but hesitate to extend to others.

Question 8:

What is society’s view of older men?

More than wise — still interesting

Older men are most commonly seen as “wise but sometimes boring”, followed by being viewed as grandfathers. When participants imagine how they would like to be perceived, however, the priorities shift.

They would prefer to be seen as interesting and attractive, while still retaining wisdom. The desire is not to reject age, but to expand what it represents.

Question 9:

What is society’s view of older women?

In short? “Grandmothers”

From the perspective of participants, society tends to reduce older women to a single role: grandmothers. The second most common perception is that they are wise, but sometimes boring.

Yet, when respondents imagine themselves as older women, they want something different. They wish to be seen as interesting, attractive, or simply in the same way as older men.

This reveals a particularly strong gender bias in how ageing is framed — one that narrows women’s identities more quickly and more rigidly.

Question 10:

What is the main impact of ageing for societies?

Burden or contribution?

According to participants, society tends to associate ageing primarily with increased demand for healthcare, followed by concerns about the welfare system. These views frame ageing as a challenge — even a problem.

However, when respondents consider the impact they would like older people to have, the narrative shifts. The most selected answer is clear: older adults as contributors, bringing experience and knowledge to society.

Ageing, then, is not inherently a burden — it is shaped by how we choose to value it.

Question 11:

What is society’s view of the main advantage of being old?

The quiet sweetness of ageing

When asked about the advantages of old age, participants consistently pointed to one answer above all others: not having to work. This was true both for how society views ageing and for how individuals imagine their own future.

Respect and caring for grandchildren followed, but at a distance. The desire for rest, freedom from obligation, and time reclaimed for oneself stands out as the most valued reward of ageing.

Perhaps this reflects not only how we see old age, but how we experience work and time throughout our lives.

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Bonnet-Bidaud, J., Praderie, F., & Whitfield, S. (2009). The Dunhuang chinese sky: a comprehensive study of the oldest known star atlas. arXiv (Cornell University). https://doi.org/10.48550/arxiv.0906.3034 

Tomaselli, C. (s. f.). The Vienna Dioscurides – SmartHistory. Smarthistory.
https://smarthistory.org/the-vienna-dioscurides/

M. Islam and S. Jin, “An Overview of Data Visualization,” 2019 International Conference on Information Science and Communications Technologies (ICISCT), Tashkent, Uzbekistan, 2019, pp. 1-7, doi: 10.1109/ICISCT47635.2019.9012031.

Dragicevic, P., Jansen, Y., Vande Moere, A. (2021). Data Physicalization. In: Vanderdonckt, J., Palanque, P., Winckler, M. (eds) Handbook of Human Computer Interaction. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-27648-9_94-1 

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